OBSERVATIONS ON
JEWISH COMMUNITY LIFE
IN UKRAINE
(Dnipropetrovsk,
Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Kyiv}
A Visit in April 2015
The
writer visited four Jewish population centers in Ukraine between April 15 and
May 1, 2015. She entered the country in
Dnipropetrovsk, using that city as base for ten days while also visiting
Kharkiv and Zaporizhzhia in the eastern part of the country. She concluded her visit in the capital city
of Kyiv.

Ukraine
is somewhat smaller in size than the American state of Texas. It shares borders with seven other countries:
Russia to its north, east, and south (Crimea, annexed by Russia in 2014);
Belarus to its north; Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary to its west; and Romania
and Moldova to its southwest.
Russia-backed military forces currently occupy Luhansk, Donetsk, and
surrounding territory.
Map: russianworldforums.com.
Retrieved July 5, 2015.
Ukraine
remains mired in the crisis that erupted in late November 2013, when as many as
2,000 protestors gathered on Independence Square (Maidan Nezalezhnosti,
Ukr.) in central Kyiv in response to a decision by the then Ukrainian
government of Viktor Yanukhovych to suspend preparation for concluding an
association agreement with the European Union.
The Maidan uprising peaked on February 19-20, 2014, when well-armed
snipers atop nearby buildings shot at demonstrators, killing more than 100
individuals. Anti-government protests
continued. Yanukhovych fled the country
shortly thereafter, obtaining asylum in Russia.
Barely one week later, Russian troops deployed at strategic locations in
Crimea, purportedly at the request of Mr. Yanukhovych.
Beginning
in early March, pro-Russian separatist demonstrators began to occupy state and
municipal buildings in Kharkiv, Luhansk, Donetsk, and several other points in
eastern regions of the country. Although
local residents were among the militants, the instigators are believed to have
been Russians who crossed the porous border between the two countries. The separatists were repelled in Kharkiv, but
continue to control Luhansk, Donetsk, and adjacent areas. Crimea remains under Russian control.
Those
who sympathize with Russia assert that Ukraine has simply, and justly, returned
to its historic division between Russian and Ukrainian influence. In this assessment, the eastern and southern
portions of Ukraine have long been oriented toward Russia, and the central and
western areas have closer ties to central Europe. However, the Russia-partisans fail to
understand that the rapid succession of events during the last few years have
created a new sense of Ukrainian national identity that is visible even in Kharkiv,
Dnipropetrovsk, and Zaporizhzhya oblasts.
The place of Ukrainian language in
everyday life has been greatly strengthened in recent years by mandated school
instruction, re-quired usage in public signage and other measures. Addition-ally, the Russian assault on Ukrainian
sovereignty has rein-forced Ukrainian patriotism, thus enhancing the appeal of
Ukrain-ian as the dominant tongue.
Map:
http://www.economist.com/blogs/ graphicdetail/2015/06/ukraine-graphics.
Retrieved
July 13, 2015.
Some
residents of eastern regions, as well as the seaport city of Odesa and its
environs, may desire more robust commercial relations with Russia and the
maintenance of strong ties with family and friends in Russia. However, a yearning for enhanced links with
Russia does not void the conviction of many that the preferred path for Ukraine
is one of independence and a general pro-Western direction. The sense of Western orientation is
particularly strong among the youth and young adult segments of the population,
that is, those who are most comfortable in use of the Internet and who are more
likely to speak a western language (in addition to Ukrainian and Russian) than
are middle-aged and older Ukrainians. Additionally,
some Ukrainians have been influenced by neighboring countries, particularly
Poland, that were dominated by the Soviet Union for almost 50 years during the
post-World War II period and have subsequently assumed a strong Western
orientation.
Notwithstanding
the conclusion of a second Minsk agreement on February 11,
2015, fighting between Ukraine and units sympathetic to Russia continued in the
Donbas area during the writer's visit in April and has persisted since then. Volunteer groups throughout Ukraine had
mobilized in support of the Ukrainian defense effort, gathering equipment and
other provisions (such as bulletproof vests, computers, and medical supplies). Although reports of draft evasion were widespread,
the writer also encountered a number of men of post-draft age who had
registered with the reserves.
This booth in central Kharkiv, a city close
to the Russian border, is manned by volunteers seeking donations for the
Ukrainian armed forces. To its side is a
sandbagged defense point. Both the
collection booths and defense points are common in eastern Ukraine, an area in
which many residents, both Ukrainian- and Russian-speaking, feel threatened by
Russia.
Photo:
the writer.
In
addition to the continuing separatist occupation of portions of eastern
Ukraine, forces sympathetic to Russia also mounted occasional small-scale
terrorist attacks in Kyiv, Odesa, and Kharkiv.
Frequently in the form of small
bombs, the targets usually were transportation links or volunteer humanitarian
and/or military assistance organizations.
Although some human casualties did occur, the intent appeared to be
intimidation, rather than massive loss of life.
However, Ukrainians with whom the writer spoke seemed defiant in the
face of these and other Russian or Russian-instigated attacks.
Economic
distress was pervasive throughout the country, a situation that pre-dated the
Russian invasion and seemed to intensify almost with each passing day. Too much of the economy has been based on
heavy industry deriving from extensive mineral resources in the eastern segment
of the country; much of this manufactured output is obsolescent, in part
because it is dependent upon cumbersome and politically sensitive Soviet-era
supply chain linkages. Further,
oligarchic interests and massive corruption deter and distort economic
development. Investment, both local and
foreign, also is discouraged by ever higher taxes as the government seeks to
generate revenue. Local health, safety,
and labor standards remain far below western requirements and impede Ukrainian
accession to international trade agreements, as do irregular accounting and
banking practices.
Inflation
continues to climb, particularly on imported goods such as medicines, as the
Ukrainian hryvnia decreases in value against foreign currencies. Although Ukraine is attempting to diversify
its fuel sources, it remains dependent upon Russia for energy and thus
vulnerable to supply disruptions for reasons of political or economic
blackmail.
Yet
in the midst of all of this gloom, observers point to Ukraine's rich farmlands
and its historic role as the "breadbasket of Europe." The black earth of Ukrainian steppes, along
with a favorable climate, create conditions well suited to the growth of
various agricultural crops, especially certain critical grains. A modest food-processing industry has
arisen. However, Ukrainian agriculture development
is constrained by inadequacies in financing, infrastructure, agricultural
engineering, regulation, and customs control, as well as protective agriculture
policies in other countries.
Of
great interest to many of the young adults with whom the writer spoke is a
rapidly developing technology sector that already supports a significant
outsourcing base for software and hardware manufacturers in other countries. Ukraine also is developing its own innovation
industry, designing and manufacturing new products in several business
disciplines. Obstacles to further
progress in information technology are many, including a weak legal system,
corruption, irregular IT education standards across the country, and emigration of skilled specialists who can
obtain more lucrative positions in other countries.
Compounding
economic distress is the movement of internally displaced people from Crimea
and eastern Ukraine. Although no
precise figures exist, a consensus has developed that about two million people
have fled their homes in response to occupation and continuing violence in
these areas. The Ukrainian government
has failed to develop an effective response to the issue of migrants. Although some have fled the country and have
re-settled in Russia, Israel, or elsewhere, approximately 1.4 million IDP's remained
in Ukraine as of July 2015. A large number are unemployed and lack
permanent housing. Non-governmental
organizations, both international and local grassroots groups, attempt to
provide essential aid, but the situation of IDP's persists as a serious problem
for Ukraine and shows little sign of abating in the near future.
___________
Less admirably,
Ukraine also is a center of international computer fraud. Ukrainians are among the most active international
cyber criminals, obtaining information and funds through unauthorized access to
private, commercial, or government computer systems.
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